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1 CULTURE, LITERATURE, AND LANGUAGE
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New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 2002.■ Cunhal, Alvaro. A Revolução Portuguesa. Lisbon, 1975.■ Dias, Eduardo Mayone. Portugal's Secret Jews: The End of an Era. Rumford, R.I.: Peregrinação Publications, 1999.■ Downs, Charles. "Comissões de Moradores and Urban Struggles in Revolutionary Portugal." International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 4 (1986): 267-94.■. Revolution at the Grassroots: Community Organizations in the Portuguese Revolution. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989.■ Dufour, Jean-Marc. Prague sur Tage. Paris, 1975.■ Durão Barroso, José. Le systémepolitiqueportugais face à l'intégration euro-péenne. Lisbon, 1983.■ Eisfeid, Rainer. "Portugal: What Role/What Future?" In K. Maxwell, ed., Portugal Ten Years after the Revolution. New York: RIIC, Columbia University, 1984.■. Sozialistischer Pluralismus in Europa: Ansãtze und Scheitern am Beispiel Portugal. Cologne: Verlag Wissenchaft ünd Politik, 1985.■. "Portugal and Western Europe." In K. Maxwell, ed., Portugal in the 1980s, 29-62. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1986.■ Farinha, Luis. "Regresso a Europa. Uma opcao feliz." Historia. XXIX; 95, III series (March 2007), 23-33.■ Faye, Jean-Pierre, ed. Portugal: The Revolution in the Labyrinth. Nottingham, U.K.: Spokesman, 1976. Ferreira, Hugo Gil, and Michael W. Marshall. Portugal's Revolution: Ten Years On. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986. Figueira, João Costa. Cavaco Silva: Homem de Estado. Lisbon, 1987. Filoche, Gérard. Printemps Portugais. Paris: Editions Action, 1984. Frémontier, Jacques. Os Pontos nos ii. Lisbon, 1976. Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian. 25 de Abril-10 anos depois. Lisbon, 1984. Futscher Pereira, Bernardo. "Portugal and Spain." In K. Maxwell, ed. Portugal in the 1980s, 63-87. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1986.■ Gama, Jaime. Política Externa Portuguesa 1983-85: Ministério dos Negôcios Estrangeiros. Lisbon, 1986.■. "Preface." In J. Calvet de Magalhães, A. de Vasconcelos, and J. Ramos Silva, eds., Portugal: An Atlantic Paradox, 9-11. Lisbon, 1990. Gaspar, Jorge, and Nuno Vitorino. As Eleições De 25 De Abril: Geografia E Imagem Dos Partidos. Lisbon, 1976.■. "10 Anos de Democracia: Reflexos na geografia política." In E. de Sousa Ferreira and W. C. Opelio, Jr., eds., Conflict and Change in Portugal 1974-1984/ Conflitos e Mudanças em Portugal, 1974-1984, 135-55. Lisbon, 1985.■, et al. As Eleições para assembleia da república, 1979-1983: Estudos de geografia eleitoral. Lisbon, 1984. Gaspar, Jorge, and Nuno Vitorino, eds. Portugal em mapas e em números. Lisbon, 1981.■ Giaccone, Fausto. Una Storia Portoghese/ Uma História Portuguesa. Palermo: Randazzo Focus, 1987.■ Gladdish, Ken. "Portugal: An Open Verdict." In Geoffrey Pridham, ed. Securing Democracy: Political Parties and Democratic Consolidation in Southern Europe, 104-25. London and New York: Routledge, 1990.■ Graham, Lawrence S. The Decline and Collapse of an Authoritarian Order. Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage, 1975.■, and Harry M. Makler, eds. Contemporary Portugal: The Revolution and Its Antecedents. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1979.■, and Douglas L. Wheeler, eds. In Search of Modern Portugal: The Revolution and Its Consequences. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1983.■ Grayson, George W. "Portugal and the Armed Forces Movement." Orbis XIX, 2 (Summer 1975): 335-78.■ Green, Gil. Portugal's Revolution. New York: International, 1976.■ Hammond, John L. Building Popular Power: Workers' and Neighborhood Movements in the Portuguese Revolution. New York: Monthly Review Press, 1988.■ Harsgor, Michael. Naissance d'un Nouveau Portugal. Paris: Ed. du Seuil, 1975.■. Portugal in Revolution. Washington, D.C.: CSIS and Sage, 1976.■ Harvey, Robert. Portugal, Birth of a Democracy. London: Macmillan, 1978.■ Herr, Richard, ed. Portugal: The Long Road to Democracy and Europe. Berkeley, Calif.: International and Area Studies, 1992.■ Insight Team of the Sunday [London] Times. Insight on Portugal: The Year of the Captains. London: Deutsch, 1975.■ Janitschek, Hans. Mario Soares: Portrait of a Hero. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1985.■ Keefe, Eugene K., et al. Area Handbook for Portugal, 1st ed. Washington, D.C.: Foreign Area Studies of American University, 1977. Kramer, Jane. "A Reporter at Large: The Portuguese Revolution." The New Yorker (Dec. 15, 1975): 92-131.■ Lauré, Jason, and Ettagal Lauré. Jovem Portugal: After the Revolution. New York: Straus, Farrar and Giroux, 1977.■ Livermore, H. V. A New History of Portugal. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976.■ Lourenço, Eduardo. Os Militares e O Poder. Lisbon, 1975.■. O Fascismo Nunca Existiu. Lisbon, 1976.■. "Identidade e Memôria: o caso português." In E. de Sousa Ferreira and W. C. Opello, Jr., eds., Conflict and Change in Portugal, 1974-l 984, 17-22. Lisbon, 1985.■ Lucena, Manuel. Evolução e Instituições: A Extinção dos Grémios da Lavoura Alentejanos. Mem Martins, 1984.■. "A herança de duas revoluções." In M. Baptista Coelho, ed., Portugal: O Sistema Político e Constitucional, 1974-87, 505-55. Lisbon, 1989.■ Macedo, Jorge Braga de, and S. Serfaty. Portugal since the Revolution: Economic and Political Perspectives. New York: Praeger, 1981.■ Magone, José M. European Portugal: The Difficult Road to Sustainable Democracy. New York: St. Martin's, 1997. Mailer, Phil. Portugal: The Impossible Revolution. London: Solidarity, 1977. Manta, João Abel. Cartoons/ 1969-1975. Lisbon, 1975.■ Manuel, Paul C. Uncertain Outcome: The Politics of Portugal's Transition to Democracy. Lanham, Md. and London: University Press of America, 1994.■ Mateus, Rui. Contos Proibidos. Memorias de Um PS Desconhecido, 3rd ed. Lisbon: Dom Quixote, 1996.■ Maxwell, Kenneth. "Portugal under Pressure." The New York Review of Books (May 2, 1974).■. "The Hidden Revolution in Portugal." The New York Review of Books (April 17, 1975).■. "The Thorns of the Portuguese Revolution." Foreign Affairs 54, 2 (Jan. 1976): 250-70.■. "The Communists and the Portuguese Revolution." Dissent 27, 2 (Spring 1980): 194-206.■. Portugal in the 1980s: Dilemmas of Democratic Consolidation. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1986.■. The Making of Portuguese Democracy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995.■, ed. "Portugal: Toward the Twenty-First Century." Camoes Center Quarterly 5, 3-4 (Fall 1995): 6-55.■, ed. The Press and the Rebirth of Iberian Democracy. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1983.■. Portugal Ten Years after the Revolution: Reports of Three Columbia University-Gulbenkian Workshops. New York: Research Institute on International Change, Columbia University, 1984.■ Maxwell, Kenneth, and Michael H. Haltzel, eds. Portugal: Ancient Country, Young Democracy. Washington, D.C.: Wilson Center Press, 1990.■ Medeiros Ferreira, José. Ensaio Histórico sobre a revolução do 25 de Abril. Lisbon, 1983.■ Medina, João, ed. Portugal De Abril: Do 25 Aos Nossos Dias. In Medina, ed., História Contemporãnea De Portugal. Lisbon, 1985. Merten, Peter. Anarchismus ünd Arbeiterkãmpf in Portugal. Hamburg: Libertare, 1981.■ Miranda, Jorge. Constituição e Democracia. Lisbon, 1976.■. A Constituição de 1976. Lisbon, 1978.■ Morrison, Rodney J. Portugal: Revolutionary Change in an Open Economy. Boston: Auburn House, 1981.■ Mujal-Leôn, Eusebio. "The PCP [Portuguese Communist Party] and the Portuguese Revolution." Problems of Communism 26 (Jan.- Feb. 1977): 21-41.■ Neves, Mário. Missão em Moscovo. Lisbon, 1986.■ Oliveira, César. M. F. A. e Revolução Socialista. Lisbon, 1975.■. Os Anos Decisivos: Portugal 1962-1985. Um testemunho. Lisbon: Presença, 1993.■ Opello, Waiter C., Jr. Portugal's Political Development: A Comparative Approach. Boulder, Colo.: Westview, 1985.■. Portugal: From Monarchy to Pluralist Democracy. Boulder, Colo.: Westview, 1991.■ Pell, Senator Claiborne H. Portugal ( Including the Azores and Spain) in Search of New Directions: Report to the Committee on Foreign Relations, U.S. Senate. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1976.■ Pereira, J. Pacheco. "A Case of Orthodoxy: The Communist Party of Portugal." In Waller and Fenema, eds., Communist Parties in Western Europe: Adaptation or Decline? Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1988.■ Pilmott, Ben. "Socialism in Portugal: Was It a Revolution?" Government and Opposition 7 (Summer 1977).■. "Were the Soldiers Revolutionary? The Armed Forces Movement in Portugal, 1973-1976." Iberian Studies 7, 1 (1978): 13-21.■, and Jean Seaton. "Political Power and the Portuguese Media." In L. S. Graham and D. L. Wheeler, eds., In Search of Modern Portugal, 43-57. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1983.■ Porch, Douglas. The Portuguese Armed Forces and the Revolution. London: Croom Helm and Stanford, Calif.: Hoover Institution Press, 1977.■ Pouchin, Dominique. Portugal, quelle révolution? Paris, 1976.■ Pulido Valente, Vasco. "E Viva Otelo." In Pulido Valente, V., ed., O País das Maravilhas, 451-54. Lisbon, 1979 [anthology of articles from weekly Lisbon paper, Expresso].■. Estudos Sobre a Crise Nacional. Lisbon, 1980.■ Rebelo de Sousa, Marcelo. O Sistema de Governo Português antes e depois da Revisão Constitucional, 3rd ed. Lisbon, 1981. Rêgo, Raúl. Militares, Clérigos e Paisanos. Lisbon, 1981. Robinson, Richard A. H. Contemporary Portugal: A History. London: Allen & Unwin, 1979.■ Rodrigues, Avelino, Cesário Borga, and Mário Cardoso. O Movemento dos Capitães e o 25 de Abril. Lisbon, 1974.■. Portugal Depois De Abril. Lisbon, 1976.■ Ruas, H. B., ed. A Revolução das Flores. Lisbon, 1975.■ Rudel, Christian. La Liberte couleur d'oeillet. Paris: Fayard, 1980.■ Sa, Tiago Moreira de. Os Americanos na Revolucao Portuguesa ( 1974-1976). Lisbon: Edit. Noticias, 2004.■ Sá Carneiro, Francisco. Por Uma Social-Democracia Portuguesa. Lisbon, 1975.■ Sanches Osôrio, Helena. Um Só Rosto. Uma Só Fé. Conversas Com Adelino Da Palma Carlos. Lisbon, 1988. Sanches Osôrio, J. The Betrayal of the 25th of April in Portugal. Madrid: Sedmay, 1975.■ Schmitter, Philippe C. "Liberation by Golpe: Retrospective Thoughts on the Demise of Authoritarian Rule in Portugal." Armed Forces and Society 2 (1974): 5-33.■. "An Introduction to Southern European Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Italy, Greece, Portugal, Spain and Turkey." In G. O'Donnell,■ P. C. Schmitter, and L. Whitehead, eds., Transitions from Authoritarian Rule, 3-10. Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986.■ Silva, Fernando Dioga da. "Uma Administração Envelhecido." Revista da Ad-ministraçao Pública 2 (Oct.-Dec. 1979).■ Simões, Martinho, ed. Relatório Do 25 De Novembro: Texto Integral, 2 vols. Lisbon, 1976.■ Soares, Isabel, ed. Mário Soares: O homem e o político. Lisbon, 1976. Soares, Mário. Democratização e Descolonização: Dez meses no Governo Provisório. Lisbon, 1975. Sobel, Lester A., ed. Portuguese Revolution, 1974-1976. New York: Facts on File, Inc., 1976.■ Spínola, Antônio de. Portugal e o Futuro. Lisbon, 1974.■. País Sem Rumo: Contributo para a História de uma Revolução. Lisbon, 1978.■ Story, Jonathan. "Portugal's Revolution of Carnations: Patterns of Change and Continuity." International Affairs 52 (July 1976): 417-34. Sweezey, Paul. "Class Struggles in Portugal." Monthly Review 27, 4 (Sept. 1975): 1-26.■ Szulc, Tad. "Lisbon and Washington: Behind Portugal's Revolution." Foreign Policy 21 (Winter 1975-76): 3-62. Tavares de Almeida, Antônio. Balsemão: O retrato. Lisbon, 1981. "Vasco." Desenhos Políticos. Lisbon, 1974.■ Vasconcelos, Alvaro. "Portugal in Atlantic-Mediterranean Security." In Douglas T. Stuart, ed., Politics and Security in the Southern Region of the Atlantic Alliance, 117-36. London: Macmillan, 1988.■ Wheeler, Douglas L. "Golpes militares e golpes literários. A literatura do golpe de 25 de Abril de 1974 em contexto histôrico." Penélope. Fazer E Desfazer A História, 19-20 (1998): 191-212.■. "Tributo ao Historiador dos Historiadores. Memorias de A.H.de Oliveira Marques (1933-2007)," Historia XXIX, 95, III series (March 2007), 18-22.■ Wiarda, Howard J. Transcending Corporatism? The Portuguese Corporative System and the Revolution of 1974. Columbia: Institute of International Studies, University of South Carolina, 1976.■. The Transition to Democracy in Spain and Portugal. Washington, D.C.: American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, 1989. Wise, Audrey. Eyewitness in Revolutionary Portugal. With a Preface by Judith Hart, MP. London: Spokesman, 1975.■ PHYSICAL FEATURES: GEOGRAPHY, GEOLOGY, FAUNA, AND FLORA■ Birot, Pierre. Le Portugal: Étude de géographie régionale. Paris, 1950.■ Embleton, Clifford. Geomorphology of Europe. London: Macmillan, 1984.■ Girão, Aristides de Amorim. Divisão regional, divisão agrícola e divisão administrativa. Coimbra, 1932.■. Condições geográficos e históricas de autonomia política de Portugal. Coimbra, 1935.■. Atlas de Portugal, 2nd ed. Coimbra, 1958.■ Ribeiro, Orlando. Portugal, O Mediterrâneo e o Altântico. Coimbra, 1945 and later eds.■. Portugal. Volume V of Geografia de Espana y Portugal. Barcelona, 1955.■. Ensaios de Geografia Humana e regio nal. Lisbon, 1970.■. A geografia e a divisão regional do país. Lisbon, 1970.■ Stanislawski, Dan. The Individuality of Portugal. Austin: The University of Texas Press, 1959.■. Portugal's Other Kingdom: The Algarve. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1963.■ Taylor, Albert William. Wild Flowers of Spain and Portugal. London: Chatto & Windus, 1972.■ Way, Ruth, and Margaret Simmons. A Geography of Spain and Portugal. London: Methuen, 1962.■ ARCHAEOLOGY AND PREHISTORY■ "Actas do Colóquio Inter-Universitário do Noroeste Peninsular (Porto-Baião, 1988), vol. II, Proto-História, romanização e Idade Média." In Trabalhos de antropologia e etnologia. 28, 3-4 (1988).■ Alarcão, Jorge de, ed. "Do Paleolítico va arte visigótica." Vol. 1, História da■ Arte em Portugal. Lisbon: Alfa, 1986.■. Roman Portugal, 3 vols. Warminister, U.K.: Aris & Phillips, 1988.■. Portugal Das Orígens A Romanização. Vol. I. In J. Serrão and A. H. de Oliveira Marques, eds. Nova História de Portugal. Lisbon: Presença, 1990. Anderson, James M., and M. S. Lea. Portugal 1001 Sights: An Archaeological and Historical Guide. Calgary, Alberta: University of Calgary and Robert Hale, 1994.■ Balmuth, Miriam S., Antonio Gilman, and Lourdes Prados-Torreira, eds. Encounters and Transformations: The Archaeology of Iberia in Transition. Monographs in Mediterranean Archaeology, no. 7. Sheffield, U.K.: Sheffield Academic Press, 1997.■ Beirão, C. M. M. Une civilization protohistorique du Sud au Portugal ( 1er Age du Fer). Paris: D. Boccard, 1986.■ Cardoso, João Luís, Santinho A. Cunha, and Delberto Aguiar. O Homem Pre-Histórico no Concelho de Oeiras. Oeiras, Portugal: Estudos Arquelógicos de Oeiras, 1991.■ Harrison, Richard J. The Bell Beaker Cultures of Spain and Portugal. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1977.■ Mangas, Júlio, ed. Hispania epigraphica. Madrid, 1989.■ Maloney, Stephanie J. "The Villa of Toerre de Palma, Portugal: Archaeology and Preservation." Portuguese Studies Review VIII, 1 (Fall-Winter, 1999-2000): 14-28.■ Savory, H. N. Spain and Portugal: The Prehistory of the Iberian Peninsula. London, 1968.■ Silva, A. C. F. A cultura castreja no Noroeste de Portugal. Paços de Ferreira:■ Museu da Citânia de Sanfins, 1986. Straus, L. G. Iberia before the Iberians. Albuquerque, N.M., 1992.■ FOREIGN TRAVELERS AND RESIDENTS' ACCOUNTS■ Andersen, Hans Christian. A Visit to Portugal 1866. London: Peter Owen, 1972.■ Beckford, William. Italy, with Sketches of Spain and Portugal. Paris: Baudry's European Library, 1834.■ Boyd Alexander, ed. London: Hart-Davies, 1954.■. Recollections of an Excursion to the Monasteries of Alcoboca and Batalha. Fontwell, U.K.: Centaur Press, 1972.■ Bell, Aubrey F. G. In Portugal. London: Bodley Head, 1912.■ Borrow, George. The Bible in Spain, 2 vols. London: Constable, 1923 ed.■ Chaves, Castelo Branco. Os livros de viagens em Portugal no século XVIII e a sua projecção europeia. Lisbon, 1977.■ Costigan, Arthur William. Sketches of Society and Manners in Portugal. London: T. Vernon, 1787.■ Crawfurd, Oswald. Portugal Old and New. London: Kegan, Paul, 1880.■. Round the Calendar in Portugal. London: Chapman & Hall, 1890.■ Darymple, William. Travels through Spain and Portugal in 1774. London: J. Almon, 1777.■ Dumouriez, Charles Francois Duperrier. An Account of Portugal as It Appeared in 1766. London: C. Law, 1797.■ Fielding, Henry. Jonathan Wild and the Journal of a Voyage to Lisbon. London: J. M. Dent, 1932.■ Fullerton, Alice. To Portugal for Pleasure. London: Grafton, 1945.■ Gibbons, John. I Gathered No Moss. London: Robert Hale, 1939.■ Gordon, Jan, and Cora Gordon. Portuguese Somersault. London: Harrap, 1934.■ Hewitt, Richard. A Cottage in Portugal. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1996.■ Huggett, Frank. South of Lisbon: Winter Travels in Southern Portugal. London: Gollancz, 1960.■ Hume, Martin. Through Portugal. London: Richards, 1907.■ Hyland, Paul. Backwards Out of the Big World: A Voyage into Portugal. Hammersmith, U.K.: HarperCollins, 1996.■ Jackson, Catherine Charlotte, Lady. Fair Lusitania. London: Bentley, 1874.■ Kelly, Marie Node. This Delicious Land Portugal. London: Hutchinson, 1956.■ Kempner, Mary Jean. Invitation to Portugal. New York: Athenaeum, 1969.■ Kingston, William H. G. Lusitanian Sketches of the Pen and Pencil. 2 vol. London: Parker, 1845.■ Landmann, George. Historical, Military and Picturesque Observations on Portugal. 2 vol. London: Cadell and Davies, 1818.■ Latouche, John [Pseudonym of Oswald Crawfurd]. Travels in Portugal. London: Ward, Lock & Taylor, ca. 1874.■ Link, Henry Frederick. Travels in Portugal and France and Spain. London: Longman & Rees, 1801.■ Macauley, Rose. They Went to Portugal. London: Jonathan Cape, 1946.■. They Went to Portugal, Too. Manchester: Carcanet Books, 1990.■ Merle, Iris. Portuguese Panorama. London: Ouzel, 1958.■ Murphy, J. C. Travels in Portugal. London: 1795.■ Proper, Datus C. The Last Old Place: A Search through Portugal. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1992.■ Quillinan, Dorothy [Wordsworth]. Journal of a Few Months in Portugal with Glimpses of the South of Spain. 2 vol. London: Moxon, 1847. Sitwell, Sacheverell. Portugal and Madeira. London: Batsford, 1954. Smith, Karine R. Until Tomorrow: Azores and Portugal. Snohomish, Wash.: Snohomish Publishing, 1978. Southey, Robert. Journals of a Residence in Portugal, 1800-1801 and a Visit to France, 1838. London and New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1912. Thomas, Gordon Kent. Lord Byron's Iberian Pilgrimage. Provo, Utah: Brigham Young University Press, 1983. Twiss, Richard. Travels through Portugal and Spain in 1772-1773. London, 1775.■ Watson, Gilbert. Sunshine and Sentiment in Portugal. London: Arnold, 1904. Wheeler, Douglas L. "A[n American] Fulbrighter in Lisbon, Portugal, 196162." Portuguese Studies Review 1 (1991): 9-16.■ PORTUGUESE CARTOGRAPHY, DISCOVERIES, AND NAVIGATION■ Albuquerque, Luís de. Curso de História de Naútica. Coimbra, 1972.■. Introdução a história dos descobrimentos, 3rd ed. Mem Martins, 1983.■. Os Descobrimentos Portugueses. Lisbon: Alfa, 1983.■. Portuguese Books on Nautical Science from Pedro Nunes to 1650. Lisbon, 1984.■. Os Descobrimentos Portugueses. Lisbon, 1985.■ Boorstin, Daniel. The Discoverers. New York: Random House, 1983. Boxer, C. R. The Portuguese Seaborne Empire, 1415-1825. London: Hutchinson, 1969.■ Brazão, Eduardo. La découverte de Terre-Neuve. Montreal: Les Presses de l'Université, 1964.■. "Les Corte-Real et le Nouveau Monde." Revue d'histoire d'Amérique Française 19, 1 (1965): 335-49. Cortesão, Armando, and Avelino Teixeira de Mota. Cartografia Portuguesa Antiga. Lisbon, 1960.■. Portugalia Monumenta Cartográfica, 6 vols. Lisbon, 1960-62.■. História da Cartografia Portuguesa, 2 vols. Coimbra, 1969-70.■ Cortesão, Jaime. L'expansion des portugais dans l'historie de la civilisation. Brussels, 1930.■. Os descobrimentos portugueses, 2 vols. V. Magalhães Godinho and Joel Serrão, eds. Lisbon, 1960.■. A expansão dos Portugueses no período henriquinho. Lisbon, 1965.■. Descobrimentos precolombanos dos portugueses. Lisbon, 1966.■ Costa, Abel Fontoura da. A Marinharia dos Descobrimentos, 3rd ed. Lisbon, 1960.■ Costa Brochado, Idalino F. Descobrimento do Atlântico. Lisbon, 1958. English ed., 1959-60.■ Coutinho, Admiral Gago. A naútica dos descobrimentos, 2 vols. Lisbon, 1951-52.■ Crone, G. R. Maps and Their Makers. New York: Capricorn Books, 1966.■ Dias, José S. da Silva. Os descobrimentos e a problemática cultural do Século XVI, 2nd ed. Lisbon, 1982.■ Disney, Anthony, and Emily Booth, eds. Vasco Da Gama and the Linking of Europe and Asia. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2000.■ Godinho, Vitorino Magalhães, ed. Documentos sobre a expansão portuguesa [ to 1460], 3 vols. Lisbon, 1945-54.■ Guedes, Max, and Gerald Lombardi, eds. Portugal. Brazil: The Age of Atlantic Discoveries. Lisbon: Bertrand; Milan: Ricci; Brazilian Culture Foundation, 1990. [Catalogue of New York Public Library Exhibit, Summer 1990]■ Harley, J. B., and David Woodward. The History of Cartography. Volume 1: Cartography in Prehistoric, Ancient and Medieval Europe and Mediterranean. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987.■ Leite, Duarte. História dos Descobrimentos: Colectânea de esparsos, 2 vols. Lisbon, 1958-61.■ Ley, Charles. Portuguese Voyages, 1498-1663. London: Dent, 1953.■ Marques, J. Martins da Silva. Descobrimentos portugueses, 2 vols. Lisbon, 1944-71.■ Martyn, John R. 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Brother Luiz de Sousa [play]. Edgar Prestage, trans. London: Elkin Mathess, 1909.■. Travels in My Homeland. John M. Parker, trans. London: Peter Owen and UNESCO, 1987. Griffin, Jonathan. Camões: Some Poems Translated from the Portuguese by Jonathan Griffin. London: Menard Press, 1976. Jorge, Lídia. The Murmuring Coast. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995.■ Lisboa, Eugénio, ed. Portuguese Short Fiction. Manchester, U.K.: Carcanet, 1997.■ Lopes, Fernão. The English in Portugal 1367-87: Extracts from the Chronicles of Dom Fernando and Dom João. Derek W. Lomax and R. J. Oakley, eds. and trans. Warminster, U.K.: Aris & Phillips, 1988.■ Macedo, Helder, ed. Contemporary Portuguese Poetry: An Anthology in English. Helder Macedo, et al., trans. Manchester, U.K.: Carcanet New Press, 1978.■ Martins, J. P. De Oliveira. A History of Iberian Civilization. Aubrey F. G. Bell, trans.; preface by Salvador de Madariaga. New York: Cooper Square, 1969.■ Mendes Pinto, Fernão. 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Bishko, Charles Julian. Spanish and Portuguese Monastic History 600-1300. London, Variorum Reprints, 1984.■ Blanshard, Paul. Freedom and Catholic Power in Spain and Portugal. Boston: Beacon Press, 1962.■ Boxer, C. R. The Church Militant and Iberian Expansion 1440-1770. Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978. Bruneau, Thomas C. "Church and State in Portugal: Crises of Cross and Sword." Journal of Church and State XVIII (1976): 463-90. Freire, José Geraldes. Resistência Católico ao Salazarismo-Marcelismo. Oporto, 1976.■ Herculano, Alexandre. History of the Origin and Establishment of the Inquisition in Portugal. John C. Banner, trans. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1962.■ IPOPE. Estudo sobre liberdade e religião em Portugal. Lisbon, 1973. Johnston, Francis. Fátima: The Great Sign. Chulmleigh, U.K.: Augustine Publications, 1980.■ Kondor, Fr. Louis. Fátima in Lucia's Own Words: Sister Lucia's Memoirs. Fatima: Postulation Center, 1976. Lourenço, Joaquim Maria. Situação jurídica da Igreja em Portugal. Coimbra, 1943.■ Mattoso, José. Religião e Cultura na Idade Média Portuguesa. Lisbon, 1982. Miller, Samuel J. Portugal and Rome c. 1748-1830: An Aspect of Catholic Enlightenment. Rome: Universita Gregoriana Editrice, 1978. O'Malley, John W. The First Jesuits. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1993.■ Pattee, Richard. Portugal and the Portuguese World. Milwaukee, Wisc.: Bruce, 1957.■ Prestage, Edgar. Portugal: A Pioneer of Christianity. Lisbon, 1945.■ Richard, Robert. Etudes sur l'histoire morale et religieuse de Portugal. Paris: Centro Cultural de Gulbenkian, 1970.■ Robinson, Richard A. H. "The Religious Question and Catholic Revival in Portugal, 1900-1930." Journal of Contemporary History XII (1977): 345-62.■. Contemporary Portugal: A History. London: Allen & Unwin, 1979.■ Rodrigues, R. P. Francisco. História da Companhia de Jesus na Assistência de Portugal, 7 vols. Lisbon, 1931-50.■ Roth, Cecil. A History of the Marranos. Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America, 1932.■ Agriculture, Viticulture, and Fishing■ Abreu-Ferreira, Darlene. "The Portuguese in Newfoundland: Documentary Evidence Examined." Portuguese Studies Review 4, 1 (1995-96): 11-33.■ Allen, H. Warner. The Wines of Portugal. London: Michael Joseph, 1963.■ Barros, Afonso de. A reforma agrária em Portugal. Oeiras, 1979.■ Beamish, Huldine V. The Hills of Alentejo. London: Geoffrey Bles, 1958.■ Bennett, Norman R. "The Golden Age of the Port Wine System, 1781-1807." The International History Review XII (1990): 221-18.■ Black, Richard. "The Myth of Subsistence: Market Production in the Small Farm Sector of Northern Portugal." Iberian Studies 1, 8 (1989): 25-41.■ Bravo, Pedro, and Duarte de Oliveira. Viticulture Moderna. Lisbon, 1974.■. Vinhas e Vinhos De Portugal. Lisbon, 1979.■ Cabral, Manuel V. "Agrarian Structures and Recent Movements in Portugal." Journal of Peasant Studies 4, 5 (July 1978): 411-45.■ Cardoso, José Carvalho. A Agricultura Portuguesa. Lisbon, 1973.■ Carvalho, Bento de. Guía Dos Vinhos Portugueses. Lisbon, 1982.■ Clarke, Robert. Open Boat Whaling in the Azores: The History and Present Methods of a Relic Industry. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1954.■ Cockburn, Ernest. Port Wine and Oporto. London: Wine & Spirit, 1949. Cole, S. C. "Cod, Cod Country and Family: The Portuguese Newfoundland Fishery." Mast 3, 1 (1990): 1-29.■ Coull, James. The Fisheries of Europe. London: G. Bell & Sons, 1972.■ Croft-Cooke, Rupert. Port. London: Putnam, 1957.■. Madeira. London: Putnam, 1961.■ Delaforce, John. The Factory House at Oporto. London: Christie's Wine Publications, 1979 and later eds.■ Doel, Patricia A. Port O'Call: Memories of the Portuguese White Fleet in St. John's Newfoundland. St. John's, Newfoundland: ISER, 1992.■ Fletcher, Wyndham. Port: An Introduction to Its History and Delights. London: Bernet, 1978.■ Francis, A. D. The Wine Trade. London: Adam and Charles Black, 1972.■ Freitas, Eduardo, João Ferreira de Almeida, and Manuel Villaverde Cabral. Modalidades de penetração do capitalismo na agricultura: estruturas agrárias em Portugal Continental, 1950-1970. Lisbon, 1976.■ Gonçalves, Francisco Esteves. Portugal: A Wine Country. Lisbon, 1984.■ Gulbenkian Foundation. Agrarian Reform. Lisbon, 1981.■ Kurlansky, Mark. Cod: A Biography of the Fish That Changed the World. New York: Walker, 1997.■ Malefakis, Edward. "Two Iberian Land Reforms Compared: Spain, 1931-1936 and Portugal, 1974—1978." In Gulbenkian Foundation, Agrarian Reform. Lisbon, 1981.■ Moutinho, M. História da pesca do bacalhau. Lisbon: Imprensa Universitária, 1985.■ Oliveira Marques, A. H. de. lntrodução a história da agricultura em Portugal.■ Lisbon, 1968. Pato, Octávio. O Vinho. Lisbon, 1971.■ Pearson, Scott R. Portuguese Agriculture in Transition. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1987.■ Postgate, Raymond. Portuguese Wine. London: Dent, 1969.■ Read, Jan. The Wines of Portugal. London: Faber & Faber, 1982.■ Robertson, George. Port. London: Faber & Faber, 1982 ed.■ Rutledge, Ian. "Land Reform and the Portuguese Revolution." Journal of Peasant Studies 5, 1 (Oct. 1977): 79-97.■ Sanceau, Elaine. The British Factory at Oporto. Oporto, 1970.■ Simon, Andre L. Port. London: Constable, 1934.■ Simões, J. Os grandes trabalhadores do Mar: Reportagens na Terra Nova e na Groenlândia. Lisbon: Gazeta dos Caminho de Ferro, 1942.■ Smith, Diana. Portugal and the Challenge of 1992: Special Report. New York: Camões Center/RIIC, Columbia University, 1990.■ Stanislawski, Dan. Landscapes of Bacchus: The Vine in Portugal. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1970.■ Teixeira, Carlos, and Victor M. Pereira da Rosa, eds. The Portuguese in Canada: From the Seat to the City. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2000.■ Unwin, Tim. "Farmers' Perceptions of Agrarian Change in Northwest Portugal." Journal of Rural Studies 1, 4 (1985): 339-57.■ Valadão do Valle, E. Bacalhau: tradições históricas e económicos. Lisbon, 1991.■ Venables, Bernard. Baleia! The Whalers of Azores. London: Bodley Head, 1968.■ Villiers, Alan. The Quest of the Schooner Argus: A Voyage to the Banks and Greenland. New York: Scribners, 1951. World Bank. Portugal: Agricultural Survey. Washington, D.C.: World Bank, 1978.■ ECONOMY, INDUSTRY, AND DEVELOPMENT■ Aiyer, Srivain, and Shahid A. Chandry. Portugal and the E.E.C.: Employment and Implications. Lisbon, 1979.■ Baklanoff, Eric N. The Economic Transformation of Spain and Portugal. New York: Praeger, 1978.■. "Changing Systems: The Portuguese Revolution and the Public Enterprise Sector." ACES ( Association of Comparative Economic Studies) Bulletin 26 (Summer-Fall 1984): 63-76.■. "Portugal's Political Economy: Old and New." In K. Maxwell and M. Haltzel, eds., Portugal: Ancient Country, Young Democracy, 37-59. Washington, D.C.: Wilson Center Press, 1990.■ Barbosa, Manuel P. Growth, Migration and the Balance of Payments in a Small, Open Economy. New York: Garland, 1984.■ Braga de Macedo, Jorge, and Simon Serfaty, eds. Portugal since the Revolution: Economic and Political Perspectives. Boulder, Colo.: Westview, 1981.■ Carvalho, Camilo, et al. Sabotagem Econômica: " Dossier" Banco Espírito Santo e Comercial de Lisboa. Lisbon, 1975.■ Corkill, David. The Development of the Portuguese Economy: A Case of Euro-peanization. London: Routledge, 1999.■ Cravinho, João. "The Portuguese Economy: Constraints and Opportunities." In K. Maxwell, ed., Portugal in the 1980s, 111-65. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1986.■ Dornsbusch, Rudiger, Richard S. Eckhaus, and Lane Taylor. "Analysis and Projection of Macroeconomic Conditions in Portugal." In L. S. Graham and H. M. Makler, eds., Contemporary Portugal, 299-330. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1979.■ The Economist (London). "On the Edge of Europe: A Survey of Portugal." (June 30, 1981): 3-27.■. "Coming Home: A Survey of Portugal." (May 28, 1988).■. 'The New Iberia: Not Quite Kissing Cousins" [Spain and Portugal]. (May 5, 1990): 21-24.■ Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian and German Marshall Fund of the U.S., eds. II Conferência Internacional sobre e Economia Portuguesa, 2 vols. Lisbon, 1979.■ Hudson, Mark. Portugal to 1993: Investing in a European Future. London: The Economist Intelligence Unit/Special Report No. 11 57/EIU Economic Prospects Series, 1989.■ International Labour Office (ILO). Employment and Basic Needs in Portugal. Geneva: ILO, 1979.■ Kavalsky, Basil, and Surendra Agarwal. Portugal: Current and Prospective Economic Trends. Washington, D.C.: World Bank, 1978.■ Krugman, Paul, and Jorge Braga de Macedo. "The Economic Consequences of the April 25th Revolution." Economia III (1979): 455-83.■ Lewis, John R., and Alan M. Williams. "The Sines Project: Portugal's Growth Centre or White Elephant?" Town Planning Review 56, 3 (1985): 339-66.■ Makler, Harry M. "The Consequences of the Survival and Revival of the Industrial Bourgeoisie." In L. S. Graham and D. L. Wheeler, eds., In Search of Modern Portugal, 251-83. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1983.■ Marques, A. La Politique Economique Portugaise dans la Période de la Dictature ( 1926-1974). Doctoral thesis, 3rd cycle, University of Grenoble, France, 1980.■ Martins, B. Sociedades e grupos em Portugal. Lisbon, 1973.■ Mata, Eugenia, and Nuno Valério. História Econômica De Portugal: Uma Perspectiva Global. Lisbon: Edit. Presença, 1994. Murteira, Mário. "The Present Economic Situation: Its Origins and Prospects." In L. S. Graham and H. M. Makler, eds., Contemporary Portugal, 331-42. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1979. OCED. Economic Survey: Portugal: 1988. Paris: OCED, 1988 [see also this series since 1978].■ Pasquier, Albert. L'Economie du Portugal: Données et Problémes de Son Expansion. Paris: Librarie Generale de Droit, 1961. Pereira da Moura, Francisco. Para onde vai e economia portuguesa? Lisbon, 1973.■ Pintado, V. Xavier. Structure and Growth of the Portuguese Economy. Geneva: EFTA, 1964.■ Pitta e Cunha, Paulo. "Portugal and the European Economic Community." In L. S. Graham and D. L. Wheeler, eds., In Search of Modern Portugal, 321-38. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1983.■. "The Portuguese Economic System and Accession to the European Community." In E. Sousa Ferreira and W. C. Opello, Jr., eds., Conflict and Change in Portugal, 1974-1984, 281-300. Lisbon, 1985. Porto, Manuel. "Portugal: Twenty Years of Change." In Alan Williams, ed., Southern Europe Transformed, 84-112. London: Harper & Row, 1984. Quarterly Economic Review. London: The Economist Intelligence Unit, 1974-present.■ Salgado de Matos, Luís. Investimentos Estrangeiros em Portugal. Lisbon, 1973 and later eds.■ Schmitt, Hans O. Economic Stabilisation and Growth in Portugal. Washington, D.C.: International Monetary Fund, 1981.■ Smith, Diana. Portugal and the Challenge of 1992. New York: Camões Center, RIIC, Columbia University, 1989.■ Tillotson, John. The Portuguese Bank Note Case [ 1920s]: Legal, Economic and Financial Approaches to the Measure of Damages in Contract. Manchester, U.K.: Faculty of Law, University of Manchester, 1992.■ Tovias, Alfred. Foreign Economic Relations of the Economic Community: The Impact of Spain and Portugal. Boulder, Colo.: Rienner, 1990.■ Valério, Nuno. A moeda em Portugal, 1913-1947. Lisbon: Sá da Costa, 1984.■. As Finanças Públicas Portuguesas Entre As Duas Guerras Mundiais. Lisbon: Cosmos, 1994.■ World Bank. Portugal: Current and Prospective Economic Trends. Washington, D.C.: World Bank, 1978 and to the present.■ PHOTOGRAPHY ON PORTUGAL■ Alves, Afonso Manuel, Antônio Sacchetti, and Moura Machado. Lisboa. Lisbon, 1991.■ Antunes, José. Lisboa do nosso olhar; A look on Lisbon. Lisbon: Câmara Municipal de Lisboa, 1991. Beaton, Cecil. Near East. London: Batsford, 1943.■. Lisboa 1942: Cecil Beaton, Lisbon 1942. Lisbon: British Historical Society of Portugal/Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian, 1995.■ Bottineau, Yves. Portugal. London: Thames & Hudson, 1957.■ Câmara Municipal de Lisboa. 7 Olhares ( Seven Viewpoints). Lisbon: Câmara Municipal de Lisboa, 1998.■ Capital, A. Lisboa: Imagens d'A Capital. Lisbon: Edit. Notícias, 1984.■ Dias, Marina Tavares. Photographias de Lisboa, 1900 ( Photographs of Lisbon, 1900). Lisbon: Quimera, 1991.■. Os melhores postais antigos de Lisboa ( The best old postcards of Lisbon). Lisbon: Químera, 1995.■ Finlayson, Graham, and Frank Tuohy. Portugal. London: Thames & Hudson, 1970.■ Glassner, Helga. Portugal. Berlin-Zurich: Atlantis-Verlag, 1942. Hopkinson, Amanda, ed. Reflections by Ten Portuguese photographers. Bark-way, U.K.: Frontline/Portugal 600, 1996.■ Lima, Luís Leiria, and Isabel Salema. Lisboa de Pedra e Bronze. Lisbon, 1990.■ Martins, Miguel Gomes. Lisboa ribeirinha ( Riverside Lisbon). Lisbon: Arquivo Municipal, Câmara Municipal de Lisboa, Livros Horizonte, 1994. Vieira, Alice. Esta Lisboa ( This Lisbon). Lisbon: Caminho, 1994. Wohl, Hellmut, and Alice Wohl. Portugal. London: Frederick Muller, 1983.■ EQUESTRIANISM■ Andrade, Manoel Carlos de, Luz da Liberal e Nobre Arte da Cavallaria. Lisbon, 1790.■ Graciosa, Filipe. Escola Portuguesa de Arte Equestre. Lisbon, 2004.■ Horsetalk Magazine. Published in New Zealand.■ Oliveira, Nuno. Reflections on the Equestrian Art. London, 2000.■ Russell, Eleanor, ed. The Truth in the Teaching of Nuno Oliveira. Stanhope,■ Queensland, Australia, 2003. Vilaca, Luis V., and Pedro Yglesias d'Oliveira, eds. LUSITANO. Coudelarias De Portugal. O Cavalo ancestral do Sudoeste da Europa. Lisbon: ICONOM, 2005.■ Websites of interest: www.equestrian.pt portugalweb.comHistorical dictionary of Portugal > CULTURE, LITERATURE, AND LANGUAGE
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2 really and truly
в самом деле, действительно; да право жеShe was beginning to wonder now as to his intentions again - whether really and truly he did intend to marry her as he had promised. (Th. Dreiser, ‘An American Tragedy’, book II, ch. XLVII) — Роберта снова начала сомневаться: правда ли, что он собирается жениться на ней, как обещал?
‘How is Stephen?’ ‘Out of danger now.’ ‘Really and truly?’ ‘Yes.’ (J. Greenwood, ‘O Mistress Mine’, ch. 10) — - Как Стивен? - Сейчас вне опасности. - В самом деле? - Да.
‘Oh, Professor Eaton,’ Effie said excitedly, ‘Do you really and truly think I am beautiful?’ (E. Caldwell, ‘Jackpot’, ‘The Medicine Man’) — - Ах, профессор Итон, - воскликнула Эффи взволнованно, - вы и вправду считаете меня красивой?
Wormold said, ‘We haven't discussed your present. A seventeenth birthday is no ordinary one. I was wondering...’ ‘Really and truly,’ Milly said, ‘There's nothing in the world I want.’ (Gr. Greene, ‘Our Man in Havana’, part I, ch. III) — - Мы еще не решили, что тебе подарить, - сказал Уормолд. - Семнадцать лет - это не обычный день рождения. Я подумывал... - Право же, мне ничего не нужно, - ответила Милли.
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3 Leonardo da Vinci
[br]b. 15 April 1452 Vinci, near Florence, Italy,d. 2 May 1519 St Cloux, near Amboise, France.[br]Italian scientist, engineer, inventor and artist.[br]Leonardo was the illegitimate son of a Florentine lawyer. His first sixteen years were spent with the lawyer's family in the rural surroundings of Vinci, which aroused in him a lifelong love of nature and an insatiable curiosity in it. He received little formal education but extended his knowledge through private reading. That gave him only a smattering of Latin, a deficiency that was to be a hindrance throughout his active life. At sixteen he was apprenticed in the studio of Andrea del Verrochio in Florence, where he received a training not only in art but in a wide variety of crafts and technical arts.In 1482 Leonardo went to Milan, where he sought and obtained employment with Ludovico Sforza, later Duke of Milan, partly to sculpt a massive equestrian statue of Ludovico but the work never progressed beyond the full-scale model stage. He did, however, complete the painting which became known as the Virgin of the Rocks and in 1497 his greatest artistic achievement, The Last Supper, commissioned jointly by Ludovico and the friars of Santa Maria della Grazie and painted on the wall of the monastery's refectory. Leonardo was responsible for the court pageants and also devised a system of irrigation to supply water to the plains of Lombardy. In 1499 the French army entered Milan and deposed Leonardo's employer. Leonardo departed and, after a brief visit to Mantua, returned to Florence, where for a time he was employed as architect and engineer to Cesare Borgia, Duke of Romagna. Around 1504 he completed another celebrated work, the Mona Lisa.In 1506 Leonardo began his second sojourn in Milan, this time in the service of King Louis XII of France, who appointed him "painter and engineer". In 1513 Leonardo left for Rome in the company of his pupil Francesco Melzi, but his time there was unproductive and he found himself out of touch with the younger artists active there, Michelangelo above all. In 1516 he accepted with relief an invitation from King François I of France to reside at the small château of St Cloux in the royal domain of Amboise. With the pension granted by François, Leonardo lived out his remaining years in tranquility at St Cloux.Leonardo's career can hardly be regarded as a success or worthy of such a towering genius. For centuries he was known only for the handful of artistic works that he managed to complete and have survived more or less intact. His main activity remained hidden until the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, during which the contents of his notebooks were gradually revealed. It became evident that Leonardo was one of the greatest scientific investigators and inventors in the history of civilization. Throughout his working life he extended a searching curiosity over an extraordinarily wide range of subjects. The notes show careful investigation of questions of mechanical and civil engineering, such as power transmission by means of pulleys and also a form of chain belting. The notebooks record many devices, such as machines for grinding and polishing lenses, a lathe operated by treadle-crank, a rolling mill with conical rollers and a spinning machine with pinion and yard divider. Leonardo made an exhaustive study of the flight of birds, with a view to designing a flying machine, which obsessed him for many years.Leonardo recorded his observations and conclusions, together with many ingenious inventions, on thousands of pages of manuscript notes, sketches and drawings. There are occasional indications that he had in mind the publication of portions of the notes in a coherent form, but he never diverted his energy into putting them in order; instead, he went on making notes. As a result, Leonardo's impact on the development of science and technology was virtually nil. Even if his notebooks had been copied and circulated, there were daunting impediments to their understanding. Leonardo was left-handed and wrote in mirror-writing: that is, in reverse from right to left. He also used his own abbreviations and no punctuation.At his death Leonardo bequeathed his entire output of notes to his friend and companion Francesco Melzi, who kept them safe until his own death in 1570. Melzi left the collection in turn to his son Orazio, whose lack of interest in the arts and sciences resulted in a sad period of dispersal which endangered their survival, but in 1636 the bulk of them, in thirteen volumes, were assembled and donated to the Ambrosian Library in Milan. These include a large volume of notes and drawings compiled from the various portions of the notebooks and is now known as the Codex Atlanticus. There they stayed, forgotten and ignored, until 1796, when Napoleon's marauding army overran Italy and art and literary works, including the thirteen volumes of Leonardo's notebooks, were pillaged and taken to Paris. After the war in 1815, the French government agreed to return them but only the Codex Atlanticus found its way back to Milan; the rest remained in Paris. The appendix to one notebook, dealing with the flight of birds, was later regarded as of sufficient importance to stand on its own. Four small collections reached Britain at various times during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries; of these, the volume in the Royal Collection at Windsor Castle is notable for its magnificent series of anatomical drawings. Other collections include the Codex Leicester and Codex Arundel in the British Museum in London, and the Madrid Codices in Spain.Towards the end of the nineteenth century, Leonardo's true stature as scientist, engineer and inventor began to emerge, particularly with the publication of transcriptions and translations of his notebooks. The volumes in Paris appeared in 1881–97 and the Codex Atlanticus was published in Milan between 1894 and 1904.[br]Principal Honours and Distinctions"Premier peintre, architecte et mécanicien du Roi" to King François I of France, 1516.Further ReadingE.MacCurdy, 1939, The Notebooks of Leonardo da Vinci, 2 vols, London; 2nd edn, 1956, London (the most extensive selection of the notes, with an English translation).G.Vasari (trans. G.Bull), 1965, Lives of the Artists, London: Penguin, pp. 255–271.C.Gibbs-Smith, 1978, The Inventions of Leonardo da Vinci, Oxford: Phaidon. L.H.Heydenreich, Dibner and L. Reti, 1981, Leonardo the Inventor, London: Hutchinson.I.B.Hart, 1961, The World of Leonardo da Vinci, London: Macdonald.LRD / IMcN -
4 Thinking
But what then am I? A thing which thinks. What is a thing which thinks? It is a thing which doubts, understands, [conceives], affirms, denies, wills, refuses, which also imagines and feels. (Descartes, 1951, p. 153)I have been trying in all this to remove the temptation to think that there "must be" a mental process of thinking, hoping, wishing, believing, etc., independent of the process of expressing a thought, a hope, a wish, etc.... If we scrutinize the usages which we make of "thinking," "meaning," "wishing," etc., going through this process rids us of the temptation to look for a peculiar act of thinking, independent of the act of expressing our thoughts, and stowed away in some particular medium. (Wittgenstein, 1958, pp. 41-43)Analyse the proofs employed by the subject. If they do not go beyond observation of empirical correspondences, they can be fully explained in terms of concrete operations, and nothing would warrant our assuming that more complex thought mechanisms are operating. If, on the other hand, the subject interprets a given correspondence as the result of any one of several possible combinations, and this leads him to verify his hypotheses by observing their consequences, we know that propositional operations are involved. (Inhelder & Piaget, 1958, p. 279)In every age, philosophical thinking exploits some dominant concepts and makes its greatest headway in solving problems conceived in terms of them. The seventeenth- and eighteenth-century philosophers construed knowledge, knower, and known in terms of sense data and their association. Descartes' self-examination gave classical psychology the mind and its contents as a starting point. Locke set up sensory immediacy as the new criterion of the real... Hobbes provided the genetic method of building up complex ideas from simple ones... and, in another quarter, still true to the Hobbesian method, Pavlov built intellect out of conditioned reflexes and Loeb built life out of tropisms. (S. Langer, 1962, p. 54)Experiments on deductive reasoning show that subjects are influenced sufficiently by their experience for their reasoning to differ from that described by a purely deductive system, whilst experiments on inductive reasoning lead to the view that an understanding of the strategies used by adult subjects in attaining concepts involves reference to higher-order concepts of a logical and deductive nature. (Bolton, 1972, p. 154)There are now machines in the world that think, that learn and create. Moreover, their ability to do these things is going to increase rapidly until-in the visible future-the range of problems they can handle will be coextensive with the range to which the human mind has been applied. (Newell & Simon, quoted in Weizenbaum, 1976, p. 138)But how does it happen that thinking is sometimes accompanied by action and sometimes not, sometimes by motion, and sometimes not? It looks as if almost the same thing happens as in the case of reasoning and making inferences about unchanging objects. But in that case the end is a speculative proposition... whereas here the conclusion which results from the two premises is an action.... I need covering; a cloak is a covering. I need a cloak. What I need, I have to make; I need a cloak. I have to make a cloak. And the conclusion, the "I have to make a cloak," is an action. (Nussbaum, 1978, p. 40)It is well to remember that when philosophy emerged in Greece in the sixth century, B.C., it did not burst suddenly out of the Mediterranean blue. The development of societies of reasoning creatures-what we call civilization-had been a process to be measured not in thousands but in millions of years. Human beings became civilized as they became reasonable, and for an animal to begin to reason and to learn how to improve its reasoning is a long, slow process. So thinking had been going on for ages before Greece-slowly improving itself, uncovering the pitfalls to be avoided by forethought, endeavoring to weigh alternative sets of consequences intellectually. What happened in the sixth century, B.C., is that thinking turned round on itself; people began to think about thinking, and the momentous event, the culmination of the long process to that point, was in fact the birth of philosophy. (Lipman, Sharp & Oscanyan, 1980, p. xi)The way to look at thought is not to assume that there is a parallel thread of correlated affects or internal experiences that go with it in some regular way. It's not of course that people don't have internal experiences, of course they do; but that when you ask what is the state of mind of someone, say while he or she is performing a ritual, it's hard to believe that such experiences are the same for all people involved.... The thinking, and indeed the feeling in an odd sort of way, is really going on in public. They are really saying what they're saying, doing what they're doing, meaning what they're meaning. Thought is, in great part anyway, a public activity. (Geertz, quoted in J. Miller, 1983, pp. 202-203)Everything should be made as simple as possible, but not simpler. (Einstein, quoted in Minsky, 1986, p. 17)What, in effect, are the conditions for the construction of formal thought? The child must not only apply operations to objects-in other words, mentally execute possible actions on them-he must also "reflect" those operations in the absence of the objects which are replaced by pure propositions. Thus, "reflection" is thought raised to the second power. Concrete thinking is the representation of a possible action, and formal thinking is the representation of a representation of possible action.... It is not surprising, therefore, that the system of concrete operations must be completed during the last years of childhood before it can be "reflected" by formal operations. In terms of their function, formal operations do not differ from concrete operations except that they are applied to hypotheses or propositions [whose logic is] an abstract translation of the system of "inference" that governs concrete operations. (Piaget, quoted in Minsky, 1986, p. 237)[E]ven a human being today (hence, a fortiori, a remote ancestor of contemporary human beings) cannot easily or ordinarily maintain uninterrupted attention on a single problem for more than a few tens of seconds. Yet we work on problems that require vastly more time. The way we do that (as we can observe by watching ourselves) requires periods of mulling to be followed by periods of recapitulation, describing to ourselves what seems to have gone on during the mulling, leading to whatever intermediate results we have reached. This has an obvious function: namely, by rehearsing these interim results... we commit them to memory, for the immediate contents of the stream of consciousness are very quickly lost unless rehearsed.... Given language, we can describe to ourselves what seemed to occur during the mulling that led to a judgment, produce a rehearsable version of the reaching-a-judgment process, and commit that to long-term memory by in fact rehearsing it. (Margolis, 1987, p. 60)Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Thinking
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5 Champion, Nehemiah
SUBJECT AREA: Metallurgy[br]b. 1678 probably Bristol, Englandd. 9 September 1747 probably Bristol, England[br]English merchant and brass manufacturer of Bristol.[br]Several members of Champion's Quaker family were actively engaged as merchants in Bristol during the late seventeenth and the eighteenth centuries. Port records show Nehemiah in receipt of Cornish copper ore at Bristol's Crews Hole smelting works by 1706, in association with the newly formed brassworks of the city. He later became a leading partner, managing the company some time after Abraham Darby left the Bristol works to pursue his interest at Coalbrookdale. Champion, probably in company with his father, became the largest customer for Darby's Coalbrookdale products and also acted as Agent, at least briefly, for Thomas Newcomen.A patent in 1723 related to two separate innovations introduced by the brass company.The first improved the output of brass by granulating the copper constituent and increasing its surface area. A greater proportion of zinc vapour could permeate the granules compared with the previous practice, resulting in the technique being adopted generally in the cementation process used at the time. The latter part of the same patent introduced a new type of coal-fired furnace which facilitated annealing in bulk so replacing the individual processing of pieces. The principle of batch annealing was generally adopted, although the type of furnace was later improved. A further patent, in 1739, in the name of Nehemiah, concerned overshot water-wheels possibly intended for use in conjunction with the Newcomen atmospheric pumping engine employed for recycling water by his son William.Champion's two sons, John and William, and their two sons, both named John, were all concerned with production of non-ferrous metals and responsible for patented innovations. Nehemiah, shortly before his death, is believed to have partnered William at the Warmley works to exploit his son's new patent for producing metallic zinc.[br]Bibliography1723, British patent no. 454 (granulated copper technique and coal-fired furnace). 1739, British patent no. 567 (overshot water-wheels).Further ReadingA.Raistrick, 1950, Quakers in Science and Industry, London: Bannisdale Press (for the Champion family generally).J.Day, 1973, Bristol Brass, a History of the Industry, Newton Abbot: David \& Charles (for the industrial activities of Nehemiah).JD -
6 change hands
перейти в другие руки, к другому владельцу; переходить из рук в рукиDuring the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the Banda Oriental (Eastern Bank of the River), as Uruguay was then called, changed hands several times between Spain and Portugal. (W. Foster, ‘Outline Political History of the Americas’, book II, ch. 12) — В XVII и XVIII веках "Банда Ориенталь", как тогда называли Уругвай и что в переводе означает "Восточный берег реки", принадлежал попеременно то Испании, то Португалии.
I come here, and find my friends have sold their house. It has changed hands so many times that it has been impossible to find them by that means. (R. Aldington, ‘All Men Are Enemies’, part II, ch. VIII) — я приезжаю сюда и узнаю, что мои друзья продали свой дом, который затем столько раз переходил из рук в руки, что найти их теперь нет никакой возможности.
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7 Momma (Mumma), Jacob
SUBJECT AREA: Metallurgy[br]b. early seventeenth century Germanyd. 1679 England[br]German (naturalized English) immigrant skilled in the manufacture and production of brass, who also mined and smelted copper.[br]The protestant Momma family were well known in Aachen, the seventeenth-century centre of German brass production. Subjected to religious pressures, some members of the family moved to nearby Stolberg, while others migrated to Sweden, starting brass manufacture there. Jacob travelled to England, establishing brassworks with two German partners at Esher in Surrey in 1649; theirs was the only such works in England to survive for more than a few years during the seventeenth century.Jacob, naturalized English by 1660, is often referred to in England as Mummer or another variant of his name. He became respected, serving as a juror, and was appointed a constable in 1661. During the 1660s Momma was engaged in mining copper at Ecton Hill, Staffordshire, where he was credited with introducing gunpowder to English mining technology. He smelted his ore at works nearby in an effort to secure copper supplies, but the whole project was brief and unprofitable.The alternative imported copper required for his brass came mainly from Sweden, its high cost proving a barrier to viable English brass production. In 1662 Momma petitioned Parliament for some form of assistance. A year later he pleaded further for higher tariffs against brass-wire imports as protection from the price manipulation of Swedish exporters. He sought support from the Society of Mineral and Battery Works, the Elizabethan monopoly (see Dockwra, William) claiming jurisdiction over the country's working of brass, but neither petition succeeded. Despite these problems with the high cost of copper supplies in England, Momma continued his business and is recorded as still paying hearth tax on his twenty brass furnaces up to 1664. Although these were abandoned before his death and he claimed to have lost £6,000 on his brassworks, his wire mills survived him for a few years under the management of his son.[br]Further ReadingJ.Morton, 1985, The rise of the modern copper and brass industry: 1690 to 1750, unpublished thesis: University of Birmingham, 16–25.J.Day, 1984, "The continental origins of Bristol Brass", Industrial Archaeology Review 8/1: 32–56.John Robey, 1969, "Ecton copper mines in the seventeenth century", Bulletin of the Peak District Mines Historic Society 4(2):145–55 (the most comprehensive published account).JD -
8 Blith, Walter
SUBJECT AREA: Agricultural and food technology[br]b. Seventeenth century Warwickshire, Englandd. Seventeenth century England[br][br]Blith was the son of a cereal and dairy farmer from the Forest of Arden. He wrote a treatise on farming which was of contemporary value in its description of drainage and water meadows, both subjects of particular relevance in the mid-seventeenth century. The book, The English Improver, contains illustrations of agricultural equipment which have become an almost obligatory inclusion in any book on agricultural history. His understanding of the plough is apparent from the text and illustrations, and his was an important step in the understanding of the scientific principles to be applied to its later design. The introduction to the book is addressed to both Houses of Parliament, and is very much an attempt to highlight and seek solutions to the problems of the agriculture of the day. In it he advocates the passing of legislation to improve agricultural practice, whether this be for the destruction of moles or for the compulsory planting of trees to replace those felled.Blith himself became a captain in the Roundhead Army during the English Civil War, and even added a dedication to Cromwell in the introduction to his second book, The English Improver Improved, published in 1652. This book contains additional information on both practice and crops, an expansion in knowledge which presumably owes something to Blith's employment as a surveyor of Crown lands between 1649 and 1650. He himself bought and farmed such land in Northamptonshire. His advice on the choice of land for particular crops and the implements of best use for that land expressed ideas in advance of their times, and it was to be almost a century before his writings were taken up and developed.[br]Bibliography1649, The English Improver; or, A New Survey of Husbandry Discovering to the Kingdom That Some Land, Both Arable and Pasture May be Advance Double or Treble, and Some five or Tenfold.1652, The English Improver Improved.Further ReadingJ.Thirsk (ed.), 1985, The Agrarian History of England and Wales, Vol. II (deals with Blith and the agriculture of his time).AP -
9 Vermuyden, Sir Cornelius
SUBJECT AREA: Civil engineering[br]b. c. 1590 St Maartensdijk, Zeeland, the Netherlandsd. 4 February 1656 probably London, England[br]Dutch/British civil engineer responsible for many of the drainage and flood-protection schemes in low-lying areas of England in the seventeenth century.[br]At the beginning of the seventeenth century, several wealthy men in England joined forces as "adventurers" to put their money into land ventures. One such group was responsible for the draining of the Fens. The first need was to find engineers who were versed in the processes of land drainage, particularly when that land was at, or below, sea level. It was natural, therefore, to turn to the Netherlands to find these skilled men. Joachim Liens was one of the first of the Dutch engineers to go to England, and he started work on the Great Level; however, no real progress was made until 1621, when Cornelius Vermuyden was brought to England to assist in the work.Vermuyden had grown up in a district where he could see for himself the techniques of embanking and reclaiming land from the sea. He acquired a reputation of expertise in this field, and by 1621 his fame had spread to England. In that year the Thames had flooded and breached its banks near Havering and Dagenham in Essex. Vermuyden was commissioned to repair the breach and drain neighbouring marshland, with what he claimed as complete success. The Commissioners of Sewers for Essex disputed this claim and whthheld his fee, but King Charles I granted him a portion of the reclaimed land as compensation.In 1626 Vermuyden carried out his first scheme for drainage works as a consultant. This was the drainage of Hatfield Chase in South Yorkshire. Charles I was, in fact, Vermuyden's employer in the drainage of the Chase, and the work was undertaken as a means of raising additional rents for the Royal Exchequer. Vermuyden was himself an "adventurer" in the undertaking, putting capital into the venture and receiving the title to a considerable proportion of the drained lands. One of the important elements of his drainage designs was the principal of "washes", which were flat areas between the protective dykes and the rivers to carry flood waters, to prevent them spreading on to nearby land. Vermuyden faced bitter opposition from those whose livelihoods depended on the marshlands and who resorted to sabotage of the embankments and violence against his imported Dutch workmen to defend their rights. The work could not be completed until arbiters had ruled out on the respective rights of the parties involved. Disagreements and criticism of his engineering practices continued and he gave up his interest in Hatfield Chase. The Hatfield Chase undertaking was not a great success, although the land is now rich farmland around the river Don in Doncaster. However, the involved financial and land-ownership arrangements were the key to the granting of a knighthood to Cornelius Vermuyden in January 1628, and in 1630 he purchased 4,000 acres of low-lying land on Sedgemoor in Somerset.In 1629 Vermuyden embarked on his most important work, that of draining the Great Level in the fenlands of East Anglia. Francis Russell, 4th Earl of Bedford, was given charge of the work, with Vermuyden as Engineer; in this venture they were speculators and partners and were recompensed by a grant of land. The area which contains the Cambridgeshire tributaries of the Great Ouse were subject to severe and usually annual flooding. The works to contain the rivers in their flood period were important. Whilst the rivers were contained with the enclosed flood plain, the land beyond became highly sought-after because of the quality of the soil. The fourteen "adventurers" who eventually came into partnership with the Earl of Bedford and Vermuyden were the financiers of the scheme and also received land in accordance with their input into the scheme. In 1637 the work was claimed to be complete, but this was disputed, with Vermuyden defending himself against criticism in a pamphlet entitled Discourse Touching the Great Fennes (1638; 1642, London). In fact, much remained to be done, and after an interruption due to the Civil War the scheme was finished in 1652. Whilst the process of the Great Level works had closely involved the King, Oliver Cromwell was equally concerned over the success of the scheme. By 1655 Cornelius Vermuyden had ceased to have anything to do with the Great Level. At that stage he was asked to account for large sums granted to him to expedite the work but was unable to do so; most of his assets were seized to cover the deficiency, and from then on he subsided into obscurity and poverty.While Cornelius Vermuyden, as a Dutchman, was well versed in the drainage needs of his own country, he developed his skills as a hydraulic engineer in England and drained acres of derelict flooded land.[br]Principal Honours and DistinctionsKnighted 1628.Further ReadingL.E.Harris, 1953, Vermuyden and the Fens, London: Cleaver Hume Press. J.Korthals-Altes, 1977, Sir Cornelius Vermuyden: The Lifework of a Great Anglo-Dutchman in Land-Reclamation and Drainage, New York: Alto Press.KM / LRDBiographical history of technology > Vermuyden, Sir Cornelius
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10 contemporary
[kən'tempərəri] 1. adjective1) (living at, happening at or belonging to the same period: That chair and the painting are contemporary - they both date from the seventeenth century.) samtidig2) (of the present time; modern: contemporary art.) nutidig2. noun(a person living at the same time: She was one of my contemporaries at university.) samtidig; jævnaldrende* * *[kən'tempərəri] 1. adjective1) (living at, happening at or belonging to the same period: That chair and the painting are contemporary - they both date from the seventeenth century.) samtidig2) (of the present time; modern: contemporary art.) nutidig2. noun(a person living at the same time: She was one of my contemporaries at university.) samtidig; jævnaldrende -
11 Philosophy
And what I believe to be more important here is that I find in myself an infinity of ideas of certain things which cannot be assumed to be pure nothingness, even though they may have perhaps no existence outside of my thought. These things are not figments of my imagination, even though it is within my power to think of them or not to think of them; on the contrary, they have their own true and immutable natures. Thus, for example, when I imagine a triangle, even though there may perhaps be no such figure anywhere in the world outside of my thought, nor ever have been, nevertheless the figure cannot help having a certain determinate nature... or essence, which is immutable and eternal, which I have not invented and which does not in any way depend upon my mind. (Descartes, 1951, p. 61)Let us console ourselves for not knowing the possible connections between a spider and the rings of Saturn, and continue to examine what is within our reach. (Voltaire, 1961, p. 144)As modern physics started with the Newtonian revolution, so modern philosophy starts with what one might call the Cartesian Catastrophe. The catastrophe consisted in the splitting up of the world into the realms of matter and mind, and the identification of "mind" with conscious thinking. The result of this identification was the shallow rationalism of l'esprit Cartesien, and an impoverishment of psychology which it took three centuries to remedy even in part. (Koestler, 1964, p. 148)It has been made of late a reproach against natural philosophy that it has struck out on a path of its own, and has separated itself more and more widely from the other sciences which are united by common philological and historical studies. The opposition has, in fact, been long apparent, and seems to me to have grown up mainly under the influence of the Hegelian philosophy, or, at any rate, to have been brought out into more distinct relief by that philosophy.... The sole object of Kant's "Critical Philosophy" was to test the sources and the authority of our knowledge, and to fix a definite scope and standard for the researches of philosophy, as compared with other sciences.... [But Hegel's] "Philosophy of Identity" was bolder. It started with the hypothesis that not only spiritual phenomena, but even the actual world-nature, that is, and man-were the result of an act of thought on the part of a creative mind, similar, it was supposed, in kind to the human mind.... The philosophers accused the scientific men of narrowness; the scientific men retorted that the philosophers were crazy. And so it came about that men of science began to lay some stress on the banishment of all philosophic influences from their work; while some of them, including men of the greatest acuteness, went so far as to condemn philosophy altogether, not merely as useless, but as mischievous dreaming. Thus, it must be confessed, not only were the illegitimate pretensions of the Hegelian system to subordinate to itself all other studies rejected, but no regard was paid to the rightful claims of philosophy, that is, the criticism of the sources of cognition, and the definition of the functions of the intellect. (Helmholz, quoted in Dampier, 1966, pp. 291-292)Philosophy remains true to its classical tradition by renouncing it. (Habermas, 1972, p. 317)I have not attempted... to put forward any grand view of the nature of philosophy; nor do I have any such grand view to put forth if I would. It will be obvious that I do not agree with those who see philosophy as the history of "howlers" and progress in philosophy as the debunking of howlers. It will also be obvious that I do not agree with those who see philosophy as the enterprise of putting forward a priori truths about the world.... I see philosophy as a field which has certain central questions, for example, the relation between thought and reality.... It seems obvious that in dealing with these questions philosophers have formulated rival research programs, that they have put forward general hypotheses, and that philosophers within each major research program have modified their hypotheses by trial and error, even if they sometimes refuse to admit that that is what they are doing. To that extent philosophy is a "science." To argue about whether philosophy is a science in any more serious sense seems to me to be hardly a useful occupation.... It does not seem to me important to decide whether science is philosophy or philosophy is science as long as one has a conception of both that makes both essential to a responsible view of the world and of man's place in it. (Putnam, 1975, p. xvii)What can philosophy contribute to solving the problem of the relation [of] mind to body? Twenty years ago, many English-speaking philosophers would have answered: "Nothing beyond an analysis of the various mental concepts." If we seek knowledge of things, they thought, it is to science that we must turn. Philosophy can only cast light upon our concepts of those things.This retreat from things to concepts was not undertaken lightly. Ever since the seventeenth century, the great intellectual fact of our culture has been the incredible expansion of knowledge both in the natural and in the rational sciences (mathematics, logic).The success of science created a crisis in philosophy. What was there for philosophy to do? Hume had already perceived the problem in some degree, and so surely did Kant, but it was not until the twentieth century, with the Vienna Circle and with Wittgenstein, that the difficulty began to weigh heavily. Wittgenstein took the view that philosophy could do no more than strive to undo the intellectual knots it itself had tied, so achieving intellectual release, and even a certain illumination, but no knowledge. A little later, and more optimistically, Ryle saw a positive, if reduced role, for philosophy in mapping the "logical geography" of our concepts: how they stood to each other and how they were to be analyzed....Since that time, however, philosophers in the "analytic" tradition have swung back from Wittgensteinian and even Rylean pessimism to a more traditional conception of the proper role and tasks of philosophy. Many analytic philosophers now would accept the view that the central task of philosophy is to give an account, or at least play a part in giving an account, of the most general nature of things and of man. (Armstrong, 1990, pp. 37-38)8) Philosophy's Evolving Engagement with Artificial Intelligence and Cognitive ScienceIn the beginning, the nature of philosophy's engagement with artificial intelligence and cognitive science was clear enough. The new sciences of the mind were to provide the long-awaited vindication of the most potent dreams of naturalism and materialism. Mind would at last be located firmly within the natural order. We would see in detail how the most perplexing features of the mental realm could be supported by the operations of solely physical laws upon solely physical stuff. Mental causation (the power of, e.g., a belief to cause an action) would emerge as just another species of physical causation. Reasoning would be understood as a kind of automated theorem proving. And the key to both was to be the depiction of the brain as the implementation of multiple higher level programs whose task was to manipulate and transform symbols or representations: inner items with one foot in the physical (they were realized as brain states) and one in the mental (they were bearers of contents, and their physical gymnastics were cleverly designed to respect semantic relationships such as truth preservation). (A. Clark, 1996, p. 1)Socrates of Athens famously declared that "the unexamined life is not worth living," and his motto aptly explains the impulse to philosophize. Taking nothing for granted, philosophy probes and questions the fundamental presuppositions of every area of human inquiry.... [P]art of the job of the philosopher is to keep at a certain critical distance from current doctrines, whether in the sciences or the arts, and to examine instead how the various elements in our world-view clash, or fit together. Some philosophers have tried to incorporate the results of these inquiries into a grand synoptic view of the nature of reality and our human relationship to it. Others have mistrusted system-building, and seen their primary role as one of clarifications, or the removal of obstacles along the road to truth. But all have shared the Socratic vision of using the human intellect to challenge comfortable preconceptions, insisting that every aspect of human theory and practice be subjected to continuing critical scrutiny....Philosophy is, of course, part of a continuing tradition, and there is much to be gained from seeing how that tradition originated and developed. But the principal object of studying the materials in this book is not to pay homage to past genius, but to enrich one's understanding of central problems that are as pressing today as they have always been-problems about knowledge, truth and reality, the nature of the mind, the basis of right action, and the best way to live. These questions help to mark out the territory of philosophy as an academic discipline, but in a wider sense they define the human predicament itself; they will surely continue to be with us for as long as humanity endures. (Cottingham, 1996, pp. xxi-xxii)10) The Distinction between Dionysian Man and Apollonian Man, between Art and Creativity and Reason and Self- ControlIn his study of ancient Greek culture, The Birth of Tragedy, Nietzsche drew what would become a famous distinction, between the Dionysian spirit, the untamed spirit of art and creativity, and the Apollonian, that of reason and self-control. The story of Greek civilization, and all civilizations, Nietzsche implied, was the gradual victory of Apollonian man, with his desire for control over nature and himself, over Dionysian man, who survives only in myth, poetry, music, and drama. Socrates and Plato had attacked the illusions of art as unreal, and had overturned the delicate cultural balance by valuing only man's critical, rational, and controlling consciousness while denigrating his vital life instincts as irrational and base. The result of this division is "Alexandrian man," the civilized and accomplished Greek citizen of the later ancient world, who is "equipped with the greatest forces of knowledge" but in whom the wellsprings of creativity have dried up. (Herman, 1997, pp. 95-96)Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Philosophy
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12 Smith, Sir Francis Pettit
SUBJECT AREA: Ports and shipping[br]b. 9 February 1808 Copperhurst Farm, near Hythe, Kent, Englandd. 12 February 1874 South Kensington, London, England[br]English inventor of the screw propeller.[br]Smith was the only son of Charles Smith, Postmaster at Hythe, and his wife Sarah (née Pettit). After education at a private school in Ashford, Kent, he took to farming, first on Romney Marsh, then at Hendon, Middlesex. As a boy, he showed much skill in the construction of model boats, especially in devising their means of propulsion. He maintained this interest into adult life and in 1835 he made a model propelled by a screw driven by a spring. This worked so well that he became convinced that the screw propeller offered a better method of propulsion than the paddle wheels that were then in general use. This notion so fired his enthusiasm that he virtually gave up farming to devote himself to perfecting his invention. The following year he produced a better model, which he successfully demonstrated to friends on his farm at Hendon and afterwards to the public at the Adelaide Gallery in London. On 31 May 1836 Smith was granted a patent for the propulsion of vessels by means of a screw.The idea of screw propulsion was not new, however, for it had been mooted as early as the seventeenth century and since then several proposals had been advanced, but without successful practical application. Indeed, simultaneously but quite independently of Smith, the Swedish engineer John Ericsson had invented the ship's propeller and obtained a patent on 13 July 1836, just weeks after Smith. But Smith was completely unaware of this and pursued his own device in the belief that he was the sole inventor.With some financial and technical backing, Smith was able to construct a 10 ton boat driven by a screw and powered by a steam engine of about 6 hp (4.5 kW). After showing it off to the public, Smith tried it out at sea, from Ramsgate round to Dover and Hythe, returning in stormy weather. The screw performed well in both calm and rough water. The engineering world seemed opposed to the new method of propulsion, but the Admiralty gave cautious encouragement in 1839 by ordering that the 237 ton Archimedes be equipped with a screw. It showed itself superior to the Vulcan, one of the fastest paddle-driven ships in the Navy. The ship was put through its paces in several ports, including Bristol, where Isambard Kingdom Brunel was constructing his Great Britain, the first large iron ocean-going vessel. Brunel was so impressed that he adapted his ship for screw propulsion.Meanwhile, in spite of favourable reports, the Admiralty were dragging their feet and ordered further trials, fitting Smith's four-bladed propeller to the Rattler, then under construction and completed in 1844. The trials were a complete success and propelled their lordships of the Admiralty to a decision to equip twenty ships with screw propulsion, under Smith's supervision.At last the superiority of screw propulsion was generally accepted and virtually universally adopted. Yet Smith gained little financial reward for his invention and in 1850 he retired to Guernsey to resume his farming life. In 1860 financial pressures compelled him to accept the position of Curator of Patent Models at the Patent Museum in South Kensington, London, a post he held until his death. Belated recognition by the Government, then headed by Lord Palmerston, came in 1855 with the grant of an annual pension of £200. Two years later Smith received unofficial recognition when he was presented with a national testimonial, consisting of a service of plate and nearly £3,000 in cash subscribed largely by the shipbuilding and engineering community. Finally, in 1871 Smith was honoured with a knighthood.[br]Principal Honours and DistinctionsKnighted 1871.Further ReadingObituary, 1874, Illustrated London News (7 February).1856, On the Invention and Progress of the Screw Propeller, London (provides biographical details).Smith and his invention are referred to in papers in Transactions of the Newcomen Society, 14 (1934): 9; 19 (1939): 145–8, 155–7, 161–4, 237–9.LRDBiographical history of technology > Smith, Sir Francis Pettit
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13 Vitruvius Pollio
SUBJECT AREA: Architecture and building[br]b. early first century BCd. c. 25 BC[br]Roman writer on architecture and engineering subjects.[br]Nothing is known of Vitruvius apart from what can be gleaned from his only known work, the treatise De architectura. He seems to have been employed in some capacity by Julius Caesar and continued to serve under his heir, Octavianus, later Emperor Augustus, to whom he dedicated his book. It was written towards the end of his life, after Octavianus became undisputed ruler of the Empire by his victory at Actium in 31 BC, and was based partly on his own experience and partly on earlier, Hellenistic, writers.The De architectura is divided into ten books. The first seven books expound the general principles of architecture and the planning, design and construction of various types of building, public and domestic, including a consideration of techniques and materials. Book 7 deals with interior decoration, including stucco work and painting, while Book 8 treats water supply, from the location of sources to the transport of water by aqueducts, tunnels and pipes. Book 9, after a long and somewhat confused account of the astronomical theories of the day, describes various forms of clock and sundial. Finally, Book 10 deals with mechanical devices for handling building materials and raising and pumping water, for which Vitruvius draws on the earlier Greek authors Ctesibius and Hero.Although this may seem a motley assembly of subjects, to the Roman architect and builder it was a logical compendium of the subjects he was expected to know about. At the time, Vitruvius' rigid rules for the design of buildings such as temples seem to have had little influence, but his accounts of more practical matters of building materials and techniques were widely used. His illustrations to the original work were lost in antiquity, for no later manuscript includes them. Through the Middle Ages, manuscript copies were made in monastic scriptoria, although the architectural style in vogue had little relevance to those in Vitruvius: these came into their own with the Italian Renaissance. Alberti, writing the first great Renaissance treatise on architecture from 1452 to 1467, drew heavily on De architectura; those who sought to revive the styles of antiquity were bound to regard the only surviving text on the subject as authoritative. The appearance of the first printed edition in 1486 only served to extend its influence.During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Vitruvius was used as a handbook for constructing machines and instruments. For the modern historian of technology and architecture the work is a source of prime importance, although it must be remembered that the illustrations in the early printed editions are of contemporary reproductions of ancient devices using the techniques of the time, rather than authentic representations of ancient technology.[br]BibliographyOf the several critical editions of De architectura there are the Teubner edition, 1899. ed. V.Rose, Leipzig; the Loeb Classical Library edition, 1962, ed. F.Granger, London: Heinemann, (with English trans. and notes); and the Collection Guillaume Budé with French trans. and full commentary, 10 vols, Paris (in progress).Further ReadingApart from the notes to the printed editions, see also: H.Plommer, 1973, Vitruvius and Later Roman Building Manuals, London. A.G.Drachmann, 1963, The Mechanical Technology of Greek and Roman Antiquity Copenhagen and London.S.L.Gibbs, 1976, Greek and Roman Sundials, New Haven and London.LRD -
14 Wedgwood, Josiah
SUBJECT AREA: Domestic appliances and interiors[br]baptized 12 July 1730 Burslem, Staffordshire, Englandd. 3 January 1795 Etruria Hall, Staffordshire, England[br]English potter and man of science.[br]Wedgwood came from prolific farming stock who, in the seventeenth century, had turned to pot-making. At the age of 9 his education was brought to an end by his father's death and he was set to work in one of the family potteries. Two years later an attack of smallpox left him with a weakness in his right knee which prevented him from working the potter's wheel. This forced his attention to other aspects of the process, such as design and modelling. He was apprenticed to his brother Thomas in 1744, and in 1752 was in partnership with Thomas Whieldon, a leading Staffordshire potter, until probably the first half of 1759, when he became a master potter and set up in business on his own account at Ivy House Works in Burslem.Wedgwood was then able to exercise to the full his determination to improve the quality of his ware. This he achieved by careful attention to all aspects of the work: artistic judgement of form and decoration; chemical study of the materials; and intelligent management of manufacturing processes. For example, to achieve greater control over firing conditions, he invented a pyrometer, a temperature-measuring device by which the shrinkage of prepared clay cylinders in the furnace gave an indication of the temperature. Wedgwood was the first potter to employ steam power, installing a Boulton \& Watt engine for crushing and other operations in 1782. Beyond the confines of his works, Wedgwood concerned himself in local issues such as improvements to the road and canal systems to facilitate transport of raw materials and products.During the first ten years, Wedgwood steadily improved the quality of his cream ware, known as "Queen's ware" after a set of ware was presented to Queen Charlotte in 1762. The business prospered and his reputation grew. In 1766 he was able to purchase an estate on which he built new works, a mansion and a village to which he gave the name Etruria. Four years after the Etruria works were opened in 1769, Wedgwood began experimenting with a barium compound combined in a fine-textured base allied to a true porcelain. The result was Wedgwood's most original and distinctive ware similar to jasper, made in a wide variety of forms.Wedgwood had many followers and imitators but the merit of initiating and carrying through a large-scale technical and artistic development of English pottery belongs to Wedgwood.[br]Principal Honours and DistinctionsFRS 1783.BibliographyWedgwood contributed five papers to the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society, two in 1783 and 1790 on chemical subjects and three in 1782, 1784 and 1786 on his pyrometer.Further ReadingMeteyard, 1865, Life of Josiah Wedgwood, London (biography).A.Burton, 1976, Josiah Wedgwood: Biography, London: André Deutsch (a very readable account).LRD -
15 Mind
It becomes, therefore, no inconsiderable part of science... to know the different operations of the mind, to separate them from each other, to class them under their proper heads, and to correct all that seeming disorder in which they lie involved when made the object of reflection and inquiry.... It cannot be doubted that the mind is endowed with several powers and faculties, that these powers are distinct from one another, and that what is really distinct to the immediate perception may be distinguished by reflection and, consequently, that there is a truth and falsehood which lie not beyond the compass of human understanding. (Hume, 1955, p. 22)Let us then suppose the mind to be, as we say, white Paper, void of all Characters, without any Ideas: How comes it to be furnished? Whence comes it by that vast store, which the busy and boundless Fancy of Man has painted on it, with an almost endless variety? Whence has it all the materials of Reason and Knowledge? To this I answer, in one word, from Experience. (Locke, quoted in Herrnstein & Boring, 1965, p. 584)The kind of logic in mythical thought is as rigorous as that of modern science, and... the difference lies, not in the quality of the intellectual process, but in the nature of things to which it is applied.... Man has always been thinking equally well; the improvement lies, not in an alleged progress of man's mind, but in the discovery of new areas to which it may apply its unchanged and unchanging powers. (Leґvi-Strauss, 1963, p. 230)MIND. A mysterious form of matter secreted by the brain. Its chief activity consists in the endeavor to ascertain its own nature, the futility of the attempt being due to the fact that it has nothing but itself to know itself with. (Bierce, quoted in Minsky, 1986, p. 55)[Philosophy] understands the foundations of knowledge and it finds these foundations in a study of man-as-knower, of the "mental processes" or the "activity of representation" which make knowledge possible. To know is to represent accurately what is outside the mind, so to understand the possibility and nature of knowledge is to understand the way in which the mind is able to construct such representation.... We owe the notion of a "theory of knowledge" based on an understanding of "mental processes" to the seventeenth century, and especially to Locke. We owe the notion of "the mind" as a separate entity in which "processes" occur to the same period, and especially to Descartes. We owe the notion of philosophy as a tribunal of pure reason, upholding or denying the claims of the rest of culture, to the eighteenth century and especially to Kant, but this Kantian notion presupposed general assent to Lockean notions of mental processes and Cartesian notions of mental substance. (Rorty, 1979, pp. 3-4)Under pressure from the computer, the question of mind in relation to machine is becoming a central cultural preoccupation. It is becoming for us what sex was to Victorians-threat, obsession, taboo, and fascination. (Turkle, 1984, p. 313)7) Understanding the Mind Remains as Resistant to Neurological as to Cognitive AnalysesRecent years have been exciting for researchers in the brain and cognitive sciences. Both fields have flourished, each spurred on by methodological and conceptual developments, and although understanding the mechanisms of mind is an objective shared by many workers in these areas, their theories and approaches to the problem are vastly different....Early experimental psychologists, such as Wundt and James, were as interested in and knowledgeable about the anatomy and physiology of the nervous system as about the young science of the mind. However, the experimental study of mental processes was short-lived, being eclipsed by the rise of behaviorism early in this century. It was not until the late 1950s that the signs of a new mentalism first appeared in scattered writings of linguists, philosophers, computer enthusiasts, and psychologists.In this new incarnation, the science of mind had a specific mission: to challenge and replace behaviorism. In the meantime, brain science had in many ways become allied with a behaviorist approach.... While behaviorism sought to reduce the mind to statements about bodily action, brain science seeks to explain the mind in terms of physiochemical events occurring in the nervous system. These approaches contrast with contemporary cognitive science, which tries to understand the mind as it is, without any reduction, a view sometimes described as functionalism.The cognitive revolution is now in place. Cognition is the subject of contemporary psychology. This was achieved with little or no talk of neurons, action potentials, and neurotransmitters. Similarly, neuroscience has risen to an esteemed position among the biological sciences without much talk of cognitive processes. Do the fields need each other?... [Y]es because the problem of understanding the mind, unlike the wouldbe problem solvers, respects no disciplinary boundaries. It remains as resistant to neurological as to cognitive analyses. (LeDoux & Hirst, 1986, pp. 1-2)Since the Second World War scientists from different disciplines have turned to the study of the human mind. Computer scientists have tried to emulate its capacity for visual perception. Linguists have struggled with the puzzle of how children acquire language. Ethologists have sought the innate roots of social behaviour. Neurophysiologists have begun to relate the function of nerve cells to complex perceptual and motor processes. Neurologists and neuropsychologists have used the pattern of competence and incompetence of their brain-damaged patients to elucidate the normal workings of the brain. Anthropologists have examined the conceptual structure of cultural practices to advance hypotheses about the basic principles of the mind. These days one meets engineers who work on speech perception, biologists who investigate the mental representation of spatial relations, and physicists who want to understand consciousness. And, of course, psychologists continue to study perception, memory, thought and action.... [W]orkers in many disciplines have converged on a number of central problems and explanatory ideas. They have realized that no single approach is likely to unravel the workings of the mind: it will not give up its secrets to psychology alone; nor is any other isolated discipline-artificial intelligence, linguistics, anthropology, neurophysiology, philosophy-going to have any greater success. (Johnson-Laird, 1988, p. 7)Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Mind
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16 Deane, Sir Anthony
SUBJECT AREA: Ports and shipping[br]b. 1638 Harwich (?), Englandd. 1721 England[br]English master shipwright, one of the most influential of seventeenth-century England.[br]It is believed that Deane was born in Harwich, the son of a master mariner. When 22 years of age, having been trained by Christopher Pett, he was appointed Assistant Master Shipwright at Woolwich Naval Dockyard, indicating an ability as a shipbuilder and also that he had influence behind him. Despite abruptness and a tendency to annoy his seniors, he was acknowledged by no less a man than Pepys (1633–1703) for his skill as a ship designer and -builder, and he was one of the few who could accurately estimate displacements and drafts of ships under construction. While only 26 years old, he was promoted to Master Shipwright of the Naval Base at Harwich and commenced a notable career. When the yard was closed four years later (on the cessation of the threat from the Dutch), Deane was transferred to the key position of Master Shipwright at Portsmouth and given the opportunity to construct large men-of-war. In 1671 he built his first three-decker and was experimenting with underwater hull sheathing and other matters. In 1672 he became a member of the Navy Board, and from then on promotion was spectacular, with almost full responsibility given him for decisions on ship procurement for the Navy. Owing to political changes he was out of office for some years and endured a short period in prison, but on his release he continued to work as a private shipbuilder. He returned to the King's service for a few years before the "Glorious Revolution" of 1688; thereafter little is known of his life, beyond that he died in 1721.Deane's monument to posterity is his Doctrine of Naval Architecture, published in 1670. It is one of the few books on ship design of the period and gives a clear insight into the rather pedantic procedures used in those less than scientific times. Deane became Mayor of Harwich and subsequently Member of Parliament. It is believed that he was Peter the Great's tutor on shipbuilding during his visit to the Thames in 1698.[br]Principal Honours and DistinctionsKnighted 1673.Bibliography1670, Doctrine of Naval Architecture; repub. 1981, with additional commentaries by Brian Lavery, as Deane's Doctrine of Naval Architecture 1670, London: Conway Maritime.Further ReadingWestcott Abell, 1948, The Shipwright's Trade, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.FMW -
17 Grant, George Barnard
SUBJECT AREA: Electronics and information technology[br]b. 21 December 1849 Farmingdale, Gardiner, Maine, USAd. 16 August 1917 Pasadena, California, USA[br]American mechanical engineer and inventor of Grant's Difference Engine.[br]George B.Grant was descended from families who came from Britain in the seventeenth century and was educated at the Bridgton (Maine) Academy, the Chandler Scientific School of Dartmouth College and the Lawrence Scientific School of Harvard College, where he graduated with the degree of BS in 1873. As an undergraduate he became interested in calculating machines, and his paper "On a new difference engine" was published in the American Journal of Science in August 1871. He also took out his first patents relating to calculating machines in 1872 and 1873. A machine of his design known as "Grant's Difference Engine" was exhibited at the Centennial Exposition in Philadelphia in 1876. Similar machines were also manufactured for sale; being sturdy and reliable, they did much to break down the prejudice against the use of calculating machines in business. Grant's work on calculating machines led to a requirement for accurate gears, so he established a machine shop for gear cutting at Charlestown, Massachusetts. He later moved the business to Boston and incorporated it under the name of Grant's Gear Works Inc., and continued to control it until his death. He also established two other gear-cutting shops, the Philadelphia Gear Works Inc., which he disposed of in 1911, and the Cleveland Gear Works Inc., which he also disposed of after a few years. Grant's commercial success was in connection with gear cutting and in this field he obtained several patents and contributed articles to the American Machinist. However, he continued to take an interest in calculating machines and in his later years carried out experimental work on their development.[br]Bibliography1871, "On a new difference engine", American Journal of Science (August). 1885, Chart and Tables for Bevel Gears.1885, A Handbook on the Teeth of Gear Wheels, Boston, Mass.1891, Odontics, or the Theory and Practice of the Teeth of Gears, Lexington, Mass.Further ReadingR.S.Woodbury, 1958, History of the Gear-cutting Machine, Cambridge, Mass, (describes his gear-cutting machine).RTS -
18 Lee, Revd William
SUBJECT AREA: Textiles[br]d. c. 1615[br]English inventor of the first knitting machine, called the stocking frame.[br]It would seem that most of the stories about Lee's invention of the stocking frame cannot be verified by any contemporary evidence, and the first written accounts do not appear until the second half of the seventeenth century. The claim that he was Master of Arts from St John's College, Cambridge, was first made in 1607 but cannot be checked because the records have not survived. The date for the invention of the knitting machine as being 1589 was made at the same time, but again there is no supporting evidence. There is no evidence that Lee was Vicar of Calverton, nor that he was in Holy Orders at all. Likewise there is no evidence for the existence of the woman, whether she was girlfriend, fiancée or wife, who is said to have inspired the invention, and claims regarding the involvement of Queen Elizabeth I and her refusal to grant a patent because the stockings were wool and not silk are also without contemporary foundation. Yet the first known reference shows that Lee was the inventor of the knitting machine, for the partnership agreement between him and George Brooke dated 6 June 1600 states that "William Lee hath invented a very speedy manner of making works usually wrought by knitting needles as stockings, waistcoats and such like". This agreement was to last for twenty-two years, but terminated prematurely when Brooke was executed for high treason in 1603. Lee continued to try and exploit his invention, for in 1605 he described himself as "Master of Arts" when he petitioned the Court of Aldermen of the City of London as the first inventor of an engine to make silk stockings. In 1609 the Weavers' Company of London recorded Lee as "a weaver of silk stockings by engine". These petitions suggest that he was having difficulty in establishing his invention, which may be why in 1612 there is a record of him in Rouen, France, where he hoped to have better fortune. If he had been invited there by Henry IV, his hopes were dashed by the assassination of the king soon afterwards. He was to supply four knitting machines, and there is further evidence that he was in France in 1615, but it is thought that he died in that country soon afterwards.The machine Lee invented was probably the most complex of its day, partly because the need to use silk meant that the needles were very fine. Henson (1970) in 1831 took five pages in his book to describe knitting on a stocking frame which had over 2,066 pieces. To knit a row of stitches took eleven separate stages, and great care and watchfulness were required to ensure that all the loops were equal and regular. This shows how complex the machines were and points to Lee's great achievement in actually making one. The basic principles of its operation remained unaltered throughout its extraordinarily long life, and a few still remained in use commercially in the early 1990s.[br]Further ReadingJ.T.Millington and S.D.Chapman (eds), 1989, Four Centuries of Machine Knitting, Commemorating William Lee's Invention of the Stocking Frame in 1589, Leicester (N.Harte examines the surviving evidence for the life of William Lee and this must be considered as the most up-to-date biographical information).Dictionary of National Biography (this contains only the old stories).Earlier important books covering Lee's life and invention are G.Henson, 1970, History of the Framework Knitters, reprint, Newton Abbot (orig. pub. 1831); and W.Felkin, 1967, History of the Machine-wrought Hosiery and Lace Manufactures, reprint, Newton Abbot (orig. pub. 1867).M.Palmer, 1984, Framework Knitting, Aylesbury (a simple account of the mechanism of the stocking frame).R.L.Hills, "William Lee and his knitting machine", Journal of the Textile Institute 80(2) (a more detailed account).M.Grass and A.Grass, 1967, Stockings for a Queen. The Life of William Lee, the Elizabethan Inventor, London.RLH -
19 Longbotham, John
SUBJECT AREA: Canals[br]b. mid-seventeenth century Halifax (?), Yorkshire, England d. 1801[br]English canal engineer.[br]The nature of Longbotham's career before 1766 is unknown, although he was associated with Smeaton as a pupil and thus became acquainted with canal engineering. In 1766 he suggested a canal linking Leeds and Liverpool across the Pennines. The suggestion was accepted and in 1767–8 he surveyed the line of the Leeds \& Liverpool Canal. This was approved by the promoters and by Brindley, who had been called in as an assessor. The Act was obtained in 1770 and Longbotham was first appointed as Clerk of Works under Brindley as Chief Engineer. As the latter did not take up the appointment, Longbotham became Chief Engineer and from 1770 to 1775 was responsible for the design of locks and aqueducts. He also prepared contracts and supervised construction. Meanwhile, in 1768 he had proposed a canal from the Calder and Hebble to Halifax. In 1773 he was elected to the Smeatonian Society of Civil Engineers. As soon as a part of the Leeds and Liverpool Canal was opened he started a passenger packet service, but in 1775, after completing both 50 miles (80 km) of the canal and the Bradford Canal, he was dismissed from his post because of discrepancies in his accounts. However, in the early 1790s he again advised the Leeds and Liverpool proprietors, who were in difficulties on the summit level. Longbotham had colliery interests in the Uphol-land area of Wigan, and in 1787 he surveyed a proposed route for the Lancaster Canal. In 1792 he was also associated with the Grand Western Canal. Details of his later life are scarce, but it is known that he died in poverty in 1801 and that the Leeds \& Liverpool company paid his funeral expenses.JHB -
20 Morrison, William Murray
[br]b. 7 October 1873 Birchwood, Inverness-shire, Scotlandd. 21 May 1948 London, England[br]Scottish pioneer in the development of the British aluminium industry and Highlands hydroelectric energy.[br]After studying at the West of Scotland Technical College in Glasgow, in January 1895 Morrison was appointed Engineer to the newly formed British Aluminium Company Limited (BAC); it was with this organization that he spent his entire career. The company secured the patent rights to the Héroult and Bayer processes. It constructed a 200 tonne per year electrolytic plant at Foyers on the shore of Loch Ness, together with an adjacent 5000 kW hydroelectric scheme, and it built an alumina factory at Larne Harbour in north-eastern Ireland. Morrison was soon Manager at Foyers, and he became the company's Joint Technical Adviser. In 1910 he was made General Manager, and later he was appointed Managing Director. Morrison successfully brought about improvements in all parts of the production process; between 1915 and 1930 he increased the size of individual electrolytic cells by a factor of five, from 8,000 to 40,000 amperes. Soon after 1901, BAC built a second works for electrolytic reduction, at Kinlochleven in Argyllshire, where the primary design originated from Morrison. In the 1920s a third plant was erected at Fort William, in the lee of Ben Nevis, with hydroelectric generators providing some 75 MW. Alumina factories were constructed at Burntisland on the Firth of Forth and, in the 1930s, at Newport in Monmouthshire. Rolling mills were developed at Milton in Staffordshire, Warrington, and Falkirk in Stirlingshire, this last coming into use in the 1940s, by which time the company had a primary-metal output of more than 30,000 tonnes a year. Morrison was closely involved in all of these developments. He retired in 1946 as Deputy Chairman of BAC.[br]Principal Honours and DistinctionsCommander of the Order of St Olav of Norway 1933 (BAC had manufacturing interests in Norway). Knighted 1943. Vice-Chairman, British Non-Ferrous Metals Research Association, Faraday Society, Institute of Metals. Institute of Metals Platinum Medal 1942.Bibliography1939, "Aluminium and highland water power", Journal of the Institute of Metals 65:17– 36 (seventeenth autumn lecture),See also: Hall, Charles MartinJKABiographical history of technology > Morrison, William Murray
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